post-autistic economics review
Issue no. 24, 21 March 2005
article 2

 

 

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Neutrality Is Overrated


Juan Pablo Pardo-Guerra
   (National University of Mexico)

© Copyright 2004 Juan Pablo Pard-Guerra


In past issues of this journal I have encountered some interesting statements on the things that must change in order to build a post-autistic economic theory. Being a citizen of the South, I subscribe to most of them and greatly welcome the discussions. However, of the sea of comments and proposals, the ones that caught the greatest part of my attention were those which used specific terms that conceal, in one way or another, the idea of “good” and “bad” science, and in general hinting at the notion that existing economics falls into the second category and should be moved onto the first. So let me start this paper by saying that science, in any of its forms and in any time and place, cannot be measured with the uncomfortable parameters of “goodness” or “badness”. Doing so is a wild goose chase and one of the impasses that a post-autistic economic theory should try to avoid. Therefore, as I will explain, talking of a more scientific economic theory is a dead-end road.


In particular, there have been two PAER articles in which economics is either directly or indirectly related to science by means of the construction of either a new discourse or of a new methodology. The first and most comprehensive of these is the paper by James Galbraith, in which he mentions the necessity of building a “theory of human behavior based on the principles of social interaction” which privileges empirical work while being free from “interest-group politics”1. On the other side of the spectrum, Claude Mouchot presents ideas on how to develop a “scientific discourse in economics” from a purely philosophical, realist perspective2.


The problem with these two and many other discussions on the topic lies in the attempt to make economics a more scientific discipline, as if its level of scientificity were to assure success of any kind. Pursuing a scientific discourse for economics is perpetuating the age-old idea that science is better, that science is good, and that science leads us to the truth and to an improved description of our universe and our future.


But science is, just as economics, a particular discourse, a tradition connected to the ideals of rationality and of progress which are rooted in a culture-specific, western perspective3. We say that science works and that science is good because, to a considerable degree, we have defined “efficiency” and “goodness” on the basis of what science can achieve. Science is not a miracle-worker nor is it a tool with unlimited reach. Science has boundaries, science is human, science is flawed and science is biased. Any economic theory consistent with the prevailing scientific discourse is bound to inherit all the flaws and quirks of the discourse it was built upon.


Furthermore, the idea that a scientific economic theory–whatever this may come to mean—is neutral, cannot be further from the truth. The neutrality of science is a construct and, in general terms, grossly overrated.  And in a world where billions of people live under the line of extreme poverty, were macro policies have left myriad micro-disasters, and where conflicts for resources as vital as water are imminent in the short-run, neutrality is our worst reference. What we need is not to pursue the ghost of neutrality and scientificity, but rather to build economic theories for the new political agenda, confronting the issues of cultural diversity, resource sustainability and overall human security.


A central component in many of the discussions on the steps we need to follow in order to achieve a more scientific corpus for economic theories is the idea of assembling a dogma-free, politically sterile discipline. Many of the complaints about the current way economics is being handled are that it hides vested interests, conceals political agendas and sequesters propaganda, thus being a sort of ill-constructed doctrine freely imposed throughout the world. Some believe that by ridding the discipline of its unscientific nature, all this will fade away.


To some extent the first ideas about the biased nature of economics are correct. For the specific case of the neo-classical theory we can find a great number of suppositions and hypotheses that are unlikely to be the object of generalization. A peasant in rural Oaxaca is doubtfully the embodiment of the utility maximizing rational agent portrayed throughout mainstream economic textbooks. Neoclassical economic theory provides the prototype that is (was) needed for economic survival and expansion in the West, but that does not necessarily have to work elsewhere. However, the problem here is not with the theory itself, but rather with the way it is being implemented. Theory is simply not the same as application. They work at different levels and thus have to be clearly delimited. But by trying to link economics to a scientific discourse, this application is immediately shielded from criticisms and hard to break down, since it no longer is the prescription of a fragile discipline but rather the product of hard science.


In this sense, it is imperative to recognize that economics has a manifest dual nature: on one hand it can serve as a reinforcement for a set of normative structures by generating instructions about what things ought to be; on the other hand, it can be a descriptive set of statements on how the world will react given a very specific collection of conditions and hypotheses. If we are careful enough to segregate these two faces of the discipline in both classrooms and textbooks and remember constantly that application is not the same as theory, many problems can be prevented, specifically the unmeasured use of economic theory as a form of the scientific discourse. Economics is not physics (even physics may not be physics), so we should cut this risky idea at the root.


Closing the gap between the hard sciences and economics could be counterproductive in domains other than the applied. Instead of expanding our knowledge, pursuing this may leave us with less than what we started with. Science, specifically physics, is the art of simplification, a body of approximated facts about our surroundings (as one of my teachers once said, “physicists live in a world of point masses, coherent states and spherical cows.”) The economic world is far more complex than what physics, biology or chemistry can depict. In fact, even the physical world is far more complex than what physics can depict. And though the last couple of decades have seen the birth of a new type of physics–namely, complex systems analysis -- dedicated precisely to studying processes which normal, old-school physics has trouble approaching -- this area is still in diapers and is a long way from obtaining important, tangible achievements. Until there is a scientific theory of complex systems, binding economics and science is one of the worst things we can do.


So what can we do with science in connection to economics? Is searching for a connection useful at all?  My answer to the last question is a robust yes. Other sciences may not provide us with the blueprint for a post-autistic economic theory, but they do give us an impressive toolbox for the analysis of real economic systems. Computer simulations, the dynamics of phase transitions, non-equilibrium thermodynamics, genetic algorithms and evolutionary theory are just some of the specific areas that might prove to be useful for the study of economic processes since they are, in many ways, the first theories of complex, real-world behaviors. However, this does not mean that we should be constrained only to what physics and other disciplines may offer. If we are to succeed in the creation of a stronger and less autistic economic theory, we need to develop our own toolbox—perhaps inspired by the one provided by other disciplines—applicable to the behaviors of individuals, groups and societies with different historical and cultural backgrounds and without relying on specific behavioral hypotheses. But tools are only tools, and we should not loose from sight that they do not constitute the main body of a theory. Economics should be more than mere analysis. If we are to build a theory that escapes the current autistic cycle, we must become more sensitive to the possibility of change, something that cannot come from analysis alone. We need to innovate, not to copy what others have done or at least attempted at doing. The world we live in, with its mountain of problems and needs, requires fresh solutions, not old ones dressed in postmodern clothes.



Notes

1. James K. Galbraith, “Can we please move on? A note on the Guerrien debate”, post-autistic economics review, issue no. 15, September 4, 2002, article 2.

2. Claude Mouchot, “Towards a realist epistemology for economics”, post-autistic economics review, issue no. 15, September 4, 2002, article 4.

3. Jurgen Habermas, Ciencia y tecnica como “ideologia Tecnos: Madrid (1997).


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SUGGESTED CITATION:
Juan Pablo Pardo-Guerra, “Neutrality Is Overrated”, post-autistic economics review, issue no. 24, 15 March 2004, article 2, http://www.pacon.net/PAEReview/issue 24/PardoGuerra24.htm